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HOW PEPSI BECAME COCA-COLA’S RIVAL

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Pepsi-cola

Enjoyed by Americans since 1898, Pepsi, it turns out, is a favorite among the Russians as well. Find out just how badly Khrushchev wanted a sip in this

How Did a Soft Drinks Brand End Up Being Associated with the Military?

We all know that feeling of anticipation as we reach for a cool, blue can. As our fingers press down and the aluminum gives way to a frothy explosion on a liquid amber surface. Then pure satisfaction as the cold, sweet beverage slides across our tongue and down our throat, leaving the tingling bite of carbonation in its wake. Delicious. Refreshing. Power. Enjoyed by Americans since 1898, Pepsi, it turns out, is a favorite among the Russians as well. Find out just how badly Khrushchev wanted a sip in this article of The Infographics Show. How Pepsi Became the 6th largest Military in the World.

How Pepsi Became Coca-Cola’s Rival

While America of the 1800s was gulping down its Coke, pharmacist Caleb D. Bradham was watching. Hoping to create a similar beverage of his own, he made a sweet carbonated drink in 1898 which he coined Pepsi-Cola. It was met with great success, and by 1902 Pepsi-Cola Company, Inc was born. In the years that followed, it underwent several changes in ownership, a tweak to its formulation, and extensive advertising and promotion. By the 1950’s it had successfully become Coca-Cola’s rival. The company would later merge with Frito-lay, Incorporated in the ‘60s, acquire the Tropicana and Dole brands in the ‘90s, and merge with the Quaker Oats company two years later. Today, PepsiCo’s most successful brands include much more than Pepsi cola. It profits from Frito-Lay snacks, Lipton teas, Tropicana juices, Gatorade drinks, Quaker Oats cereals, and Rold Gold pretzels as well.  

Coca cola

Most Valuable Global Brands List Forbes 2018

A pharmacist from North Carolina’s dream from over a century ago has turned into a reality. His company with its humble beginnings has reached a global level of success that he likely never believed possible. It even snagged a spot on the 2018 Forbes’ World’s Most Valuable Brands List. At number 29, Pepsi has an estimated worth of $18.4 billion. Pepsi, Diet Pepsi, and Pepsi Max alone each bring in over $1 billion in profits annually. Second only to Coca-Cola, Pepsi is among America’s top soda of choice. In Russia, Pepsi is second-to-none.

Pepsi Relationship with Russia

In fact, while the brand’s history is without a doubt impressive, it is its relationship with Russia that allowed it to achieve what no soda company had ever achieved before. For a time, Russia made Pepsi a top military power with an arsenal greater than that of most countries world-wide. But, just how did a soda company manage that? 

It all started during the height of the Cold War when President Dwight Eisenhower and Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev came to an agreement. The USSR wanted to open trade with the US and the US wanted to promote capitalism in the USSR, so they agreed on a form of cultural exchange. Each would design an exhibition highlighting the achievements of their country for display in the other’s. The Soviet exhibition portrayed its achievements in areas in which it was superior, namely in space, and it opened in New York City in June of 1959. America included examples from its own culture in which it was paving the way, such as with appliances of various sorts and soda. The “American National Exhibition” opened in Moscow in July of that same year and The United States sent Vice President Richard Nixon as its host. However, the Moscow-based event got off to a rather rocky start.

Khrushchev was unimpressed with color TV. In fact, he was unimpressed with most everything on display, claiming that Russia would have the same technology itself in a matter of years. Further, he took advantage of the opportunity to talk shop, commenting angrily on the US government’s resolution against his presence in Eastern Europe. And, if that wasn’t enough, he gave his opinion that Nixon only feared communism because he couldn’t understand it. Nixon had a ready response.

pepsi

Pespsi became the first capitalist product to be sold in the U.S.S.R.

At some point as they argued, Khrushchev wiped his brow. This was when Donald Kendall saw his chance. The Pepsi representative gave Khrushchev a cool, refreshing drink. While the Soviet leader found the American exhibit lacking and the United States government meddlesome and uninformed, he could find no fault with the contents of his cup. And, just like that, Pepsi-Cola became the first capitalist product to be sold in the U.S.S.R.

Pepsi was not the only one to find opportunity that day; the press was handed a front-page story as well. Pictures of the two leaders as they argued beside a kitchen were soon published across America. The exchange itself was given the rather catchy and fitting title of “the kitchen debate.” Due to the publicity of the event, Nixon enjoyed benefits of his own. Photos with him thrusting a finger at Khrushchev were thought to demonstrate leadership and, some believe, helped him in his future bid for the presidency. But, between the soda company, the press, and the vice-president, Pepsi’s success following America’s exhibition in Moscow was inarguably the greatest and longest-lasting.  

Now, the arrangement to sell Pepsi in Russia was not made without a few glitches here and there. Though the Russians wanted permanent access to the drink, there was the somewhat significant problem of its payment. Russian currency was not universally accepted, and so they needed to make an alternative arrangement. They turned to their other beverage of choice as a solution.

soda

Pepsi in exchange for boats and submarines

The Russians gave PepsiCo the exclusive distribution rights for their Stolichnaya vodka. In turn, Pepsi became the only soda that could be legally sold to the Soviet population. This worked out well until the 1980s, when vodka was no longer high enough in value to cover the costs of the Soviet’s Pepsi. So, Russia proposed a different type of exchange and traded Pepsi some boats and submarines instead. Three billion dollars’ worth. For the price of 17 submarines and a cruiser, frigate, and destroyer, the Russian population could continue to enjoy its soda. 

As for Pepsi, it had just become the sixth most powerful military world-wide. This is a distinction not shared by any other beverage-making companies either before or after this remarkable event as far as we are aware. However, as their specialty is drinks and snacks and not maintaining a maritime fleet, Pepsi eventually sold the lot for reuse of its materials. Mr. Kendall, who had made history that day by giving Khrushchev some happiness in a cup, later joked that his company was better at disarming the Soviet Union than our government.  

Coca Cola Losing Further Ground in Russia

However, Coca-Cola was less than amused. Cut out of the Soviet market due to the exclusive agreement between Russia’s government and PepsiCo representatives, the competing brand was only allowed to sell its Fanta and Minute Maid products instead. They were far from the only ones upset about the arrangement. Other skeptics to the deal suggested that Pepsi purchases funded the manufacturing of Russian nuclear missiles. One could only hope that, if this were true, the joy the beverage gave both the Russian population and its leadership made it less likely that they would be tempted to use them.

Pepsi-Cola has come a long way since it was first made in 1898. What do you think the brand’s biggest accomplishment has been? Let us know in the comments! 

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ELECTRICITY WORKERS DEMAND REVERSAL OF POWER SECTOR PRIVATISATION

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…Describe new owners as hustlers, hawks

THE National Union of Electricity Employees, NUEE, yesterdasy, urged the Federal Government to reverse the privatisation of the nation’s power sector, describing new owners of the privatised companies as ‘hustlers’ and ‘hawks’ who have contributed poorly to the power sector.

The union also accused the new owners of deceiving the Federal Government into paying N2 trillion subvention, even as it insisted that they had continued to impoverish Nigerians, leaving the country pillaged.

It claimed that despite recognizable improvements in the wheeling capacity of the Transmission Company of Nigeria, TCN, of 7,000 megawatts, the generation output had now dwindled below 5,000 megawatts.

The union pointed at the activities of the new owners as part of reasons the power sector has gone almost comatose and the impoverishment of the average worker in the sector.

The Zonal Organising Secretary (Liaison), Kolade Ayodele, who spoke to journalists on behalf of his colleagues, said Nigerians should also be worried, even as electricity tariffs continued to rise without commensurate service delivery.

He said: “Since the privatisation of Nigeria’s power sector in October 2013, electricity workers, under the age of the National Union of Electricity Employees, have been in the fore-front of speaking out on behalf of the Nigerian people

“It is an undeniable truth that the power sector privatisation has not added value to the lives of the ordinary Nigerians. The entire exercise, which could be described as a charade, has not brought any meaningful impact/improvement to the sector.

“Rather, it has led the nation to a huge setback. The infrastructural development by the new business owners in the power sector has almost gone comatose while the socio-economic status of the average worker in the sector has continued to decline amid prevailing harsh economic conditions.

‘’The same equipment inherited from pre-privatisation have remained what drives the sector as there are no visible attempts by the Generation Companies (GenCos) and Distribution Companies (DisCos) to upgrade and expand their capacities/networks.

“Nigerians were deceived into believing that the ‘harvestors’ had the financial/technical muscles to improve power generation and distribution to Nigerians. Can Nigerians be told today that this purpose has been achieved?

‘’The answer was echoed in the print/electronic media by members of the National Assembly who even called for the total reversal of the entire process.

“Despite improvement in the wheeling capacity of the Transmission Company of Nigeria, TCN, which is still Federal Government-owned to over 7,000MW, the generation output has been dwindling below 5,000MW.

“Alas! the ‘hustlers’ who deceived the Federal Government into paying almost N2 trillion subvention to the owners of the new companies since privatisation, are being used to call the union names in order to exploit Nigerians and sustain the current comatose situation. Their mission is simply to call a dog a bad name in order to hang it, while they keep smiling to the banks.”

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2023: WHY WIKE REMAINS DOOR TO ATIKU’S WIN OR DEFEAT

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The task of becoming the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is a daunting one. And, understanding this explains why all the presidential candidates are probably facing one of the most difficult moments of their political careers.

Undoubtedly, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar contesting on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has the toughest job among the three main contenders. He has a hurdle of the Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike to scale if he must return to Aso Villa, which he left in 2007 as the vice to former President Olusegun Obasanjo.

While Wike’s challenge looks insignificant to the eye, he’s hydra-headed and eventually posing as a door – to either Atiku’s win or defeat. A lot of other issues are attached to Wike, all of which will be treated in this report.

Why is Wike larger than life? The Rivers State governor does not only have people in the party who share his sentiment, he shoulders the interest of all aggrieved members in the party. From the South that was schemed out of 2023 presidential race to the rise of Peter Obi of Labour Party and romance with the ruling party, among other petty political Lilliputians seeking relevance, Wike still remains the link bridge connecting them all.

Wike’s cronies also include his counterpart governors and some members of the National Working Committee (NWC). Hence, it is substantial to say that Wike has turned the fight into a South-North dichotomy.

In a nutshell, Atiku has to win this internal battle before marching to the warfronts against his counterparts – All Progressives Congress (APC) and Labour Party (LP) presidential candidates – Bola Tinubu and Peter Obi respectively. If he eventually reconciles Wike to his side, he would have won half of the scuffles ahead.

Atiku and Okowa’s emergence

The battle for Atiku began the moment he emerged as the standard bearer of the main opposition party. It’s not the status itself that poses a challenge, but the process that brought him in. This doesn’t affect only him, his running mate, Governor of Delta state, Ifeanyi Okowa is also in the picture.

Prior to the PDP primary election in Abuja, in late May, Wike had pledged to support whoever emerged as the party’s flag bearer. He also assured he wouldn’t leave the party, regardless of what happened.

It was almost certain to conclude that Wike would emerge to fly the party’s flag going by his political muscle. Sadly for him, his colleague from Sokoto state, Governor Aminu Tambuwal withdrew from the race and urged his delegate supporters to vote for Atiku. This, obviously won the battle for the ex-vice President. Wike was obviously outplayed by a ‘friend’.

Rivers Governor could stomach Atiku’s victory at the primaries, but his ego was bruised when his neighbour in the South-South was picked to be the vice presidential candidate. Up till now, Wike has neither publicly congratulated Okowa nor commented on the issue.

Wike insistence on Ayu’s removal

Asides from other grievances that sprang up aftermath of the emergence of both Atiku and Okowa, Wike has admitted that his main rancour with PDP leadership is the failure of the party’s national chair, Senator Iyorchia Ayu to resign.

He claimed that there was an agreement during the zoning debate that both the presidential candidate and the national chairman cannot come from the same region.

Since Atiku is from the North, Ayu cannot remain as the PDP helmsman because he also hails from the North. Notwithstanding the resignation of Walid Jibrin as the chairman of the Board of Trustees (BoT), Wike insists Ayu must go. Amid this, members of the National Executive Council (NEC) passed a vote of confidence on Ayu. As much as Ayu remains as PDP chairman, Wike cannot work for and with Atiku.

South-South battleground and Rivers electoral value

Whatever Atiku calculated to have chosen Okowa as his vice ahead of the 2023 general elections has arguably boomeranged. This has divided his votes in the South-South already unless the internal wrangling is resolved amicably before Nigerians head to the polls next year.

In the wake of the brawl with the Atiku camp, Wike, while commissioning recent infrastructural projects in his state. Imaintained that he would help PDP not to win elections. This will only change if his demands are met.

But, Atiku must hold on to the belief that the South-South region is a cherished stronghold that would give him votes in the South. By extension, he should strategise not to let Rivers slip away from his grasp even if it means sourcing for a powerful figure in Wike’s state.

Rivers will deliver for Atiku because, in the 2019 presidential elections, Atiku scored 473,971 votes against Buhari who polled 150,710 votes.

However, while Wike’s clout cannot be underestimated in Rivers, Atiku can rake in massive votes in the region including Wike’s state if he plays the game well. The states in the region with the exception of Cross River belong to PDP. He just has to work with Okowa and find a charismatic party chieftain to be on his campaign train.

Makinde and unfriendly South-West terrain

The South-West is a no-go area for Atiku but anything can happen in politics, even at the last minute. Tinubu displayed that during the APC’s presidential primary election, as a political journalist said, “While other presidential candidates go for the delegates, Jagaban goes for the presidential candidates themselves.”

The region is for Tinubu except for Oyo state just like the South-South is for Atiku. But this doesn’t mean there won’t be trickles to gather for both of them in each region.

Going back to Tinubu’s tactics at his party’s primaries, Wazirin Adamawa can adopt such a strategy by enticing the bigwigs in Southwestern Nigeria to his camp if he wants to defeat the national leader of APC in his backyard.

On September 14, 2022, Atiku met with Oyo state governor, Seyi Makinde who is also Wike’s closest ally. Atiku knows he needs Makinde if he has to get a substantial number of votes from South-West. Makinde wanted what Wike wanted. Don’t forget that Wike is a door. Atiku can decide to open or shut.

Also, by February 2023, Osun state governor-elect, Senator Ademola Adeleke would have assumed office, but it is not certain if he would have garnered the political experience to deliver large votes for Atiku.

Mark, Ayu, Ortom and North-Central factor

The Middle-Belt of Nigeria is another PDP’s biggest armoury if Atiku’s political antenna is receiving a signal. He must woo another Wike’s ally and staunch critic of President Muhammadu Buhari’s government in the person of Governor Samuel Ortom of Benue state. Ortom lamented a few days back that all is not well with PDP.

Whether Atiku sidelines Ortom or not, he has the shoulders of the former Senate President David Mark to ride on. Mark is a big fish in Benue politics. It is noteworthy that Ayu is also from Benue, and Atiku might not succumb to Wike’s threat of sacking Ayu. It is resourceful to use his status in gaining prominence in the state and the region at large.

Other states in the North-Central, especially those plagued by the atrocities of killer Fulani herdsmen will embrace Atiku and this might smoothen his cruise to victory in 2023.

Kogi and Kwara states are APC states but Atiku can use his influence to wage war against them in dividing the votes. The heavyweight ranks of former Kogi Senator who is also Atiku’s spokesman, Dino Melaye and former Senate President, Dr Bukola Saraki are strong waves to ride on.

South-East, Igbo presidency and the ‘Obidients’

Any politician that jettisons the wave of the Labour Party’s presidential candidate, Peter Obi does so to his detriment. Obi is not only the Igbo presidency that the region longs for, he’s a political figure that the disgruntled young Nigerians want to install via their votes in 2023.

It is expected that Tinubu and Atiku understand this. How they would surmount that hurdle is a test of their acumen. The former VP cannot convince Igbo men with ‘Okowa is also an Igbo’ status to lure their votes.

Although, the Ohanaeze Ndigbo has reiterated that it would have preferred that APC and PDP choose a Southeasterner to vie for the highest political office.

The Igbo leaders wanted a repeat of 1999 when PDP and defunct All Peoples Party (APP) fielded Obasanjo and Chief Olu Falae respectively who are Yoruba people.

And since Ndigbo didn’t get this, the ethnic sentiment that Obi is more Igbo than Okowa is a card to play. An Atiku would struggle to win this debate.

The Obidients are also everywhere. They are the youths that want to pay back APC and PDP in their coin for many years of the nation’s woes. These are energetic and resolute Nigerians who are ready to share spoils with Atiku and Tinubu for Obi’s advantage.

Having said this, Atiku cannot totally lose out in the South-East, another former Senate President, Anyim Pius Anyim and the new Board of Trustees (BoT) chairman, Adolphus Wabara will not hesitate to embrace Atiku to oust the APC government.

Dicey North-West, North-East’s strongholds

The core North, despite APC’s damage to security and economy, will still most likely queue behind Tinubu who is promising a facelift of Nigeria in the pattern of Lagos when he was governor and other gimmicks he and his party will push out to Nigerians.

Governors like Nasir el-Rufai, Abdullahi Ganduje, Aminu Masari and Bello Matawalle of Kaduna, Kano, Katina and Zamfara states are key to Tinubu’s win. Kano’s votes are instrumental. In 2019, Buhari polled 1.4 million votes in a landslide.

Whoever between Tinubu and Atiku owns Ganduje automatically owns those Kano’s votes. How Atiku would get an appreciable fraction of those votes is also important.

However, Atiku can slug it out with Tinubu on the basis of the son of the soil. He’s a Northerner. He can appeal to the ego and sentiment of the Northern political class and stakeholders from the region.

Atiku is the most prominent politician in the North-East. This would have been a free ride for him but Tinubu chose his running mate, former governor of Borno state, Senator Kashim Shettima to spoil the show for Atiku.

The ex-VP needs to possess the North-East as his home. He must campaign vigorously to weaken the APC even in the terror-laden Borno. He’s a politician who knows what his campaign programmes should hit at.

Way forward

Kwankwaso: the beautiful bride

As integral as Kano’s votes are to winning the presidential election, the former governor in the state, Rabiu Kwankwaso is a major stakeholder. He has massive followers through his Kwankwasiyya movement.

All along, whoever Kwankwaso supported would reap Kano’s votes, but this time around the former Defence Minister is running for President under the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). If he doesn’t step down, it is almost certain that Atiku, Tinubu and Obi should forget Kano as a determining factor in winning.

There are speculations that Kwankwaso would align with any of the three front runners at the dying minutes – and Atiku might have to lobby to win him over.

Nigerians own the votes

The 2023 presidential election largely depends on the aggrieved, hopeful and optimistic Nigerians who desire and demand a better, safer, richer and greater country, and would do all within their reach to achieve this. They are the ones Atiku should appeal to. They are the voters he should convince. He will definitely use the inadequacies of APC against them. But, he needs more than that. Nigerians want practicalities.

With the new Electoral Act, political analysts have supported the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to say it would be difficult for politicians to rig elections. So, 2023 is for Nigerians, Atiku and other candidates in the race must understand and work with that fact.

But, the ball is in the court of Nigerians whether to continue with the status quo or have a paradigm shift. Whichever way, Atiku has a bigger challenge than Tinubu and Obi in winning the election. Since his entry into politics in 1989, he had contested five times in 1993, 2007, 2011, 2015 and 2019. And he knows more than anyone that 2023 is probably his last chance.

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[INCREDIBLE!] SKELETAL REMAINS OF LANDLORD FOUND INSIDE BEDROOM 4 YEARS AFTER HE WAS LAST SEEN

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The skeletal remains of a landlord, identified as John Aderemi Abiola, has been discovered in his bedroom after almost four years since he was last seen.

Residents of Adeosun/Idi Orogbo Community in Ido Local Government Area of Oyo State were shocked by the discovery on Sunday, September 4, after the community leaders decided to clear the overgrown bushes in his compound due to the invasion of snakes.

It was learnt that the man was last seen in December 2018, one year after he moved into the community, and barely related with people in his neighborhood.


He told two people that he was travelling to Port Harcourt, Rivers State, and would be back for the Ileya festivities in 2018. However, when they did not see him, they thought he chose to stay back in Rivers State.

As the years went by, the weeds in his compound grew beyond his fence into the next compound, where the owner of the property had already moved in, leading to the invasion of snakes and other reptiles.

Skeletal remains of landlord
Following a complaint to the community landlords, they decided to find a way to gain access into the compound to clear the bush and got permission from the Apete Police station.

Last Sunday, the community hired labourers to clear the thick bush as the house was built at the back of the land while the front side was free space.

As they were clearing the land, they first noticed Mr Abiola’s volkswagen Golf car with registration number AKD 769 DC which was was covered by bushes.

Skeletal remains of landlord
They then saw the building and noticed that the window of his room was opened. Out of curiosity, they looked into the room and saw the man’s skeletal remains sprawled on the bed, prompting them to raise alarm.

Police officers, operatives of Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) and the Ministry of Environment went to the scene to investigate the incident.

Meanwhile, efforts to contact his family has been futile because his lines has been disabled.

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